For many Americans, casting a ballot is a straightforward routine involving a quick trip down the street or dropping a mail-in envelope into a blue box. But for elderly and disabled citizens residing in remote care facilities, the democratic process can feel entirely out of reach. Without the tireless advocacy of legal professionals like Amy Miller, countless individuals would remain entirely disenfranchised, locked out of a fundamental constitutional right.

Miller, an attorney for Disability Rights Nebraska, routinely travels across her home state to investigate the living conditions and quality of care within nursing homes and assisted living facilities. During her visits, alongside informing residents of their rights to report abuse or neglect, she carries a critical tool: voter registration forms.

Last month, Miller assisted a veteran living with a traumatic brain injury in updating his address so he could participate in the upcoming midterm elections. While the man possessed a sharp, unwavering clarity regarding his political preferences, physical limitations made it difficult for him to wield a pen. "He 100% knew who he wanted to vote for," Miller recalled. With gentle guidance and administrative assistance, his voice was secured.

Congress funds these outreach efforts through targeted grants to ensure that individuals facing physical barriers, internet isolation, or a lack of transportation are not left behind. However, a sweeping new proposal originating from the highest levels of the executive branch now threatens to unravel this delicate lifeline.


Main Facts: The OMB Proposal and the Clash Over Federal Dollars

At the heart of the brewing controversy is a regulatory maneuver proposed by the White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB). The agency has advanced a plan to overhaul federal spending rules to strictly prohibit any recipient of federal grant money from allocating those funds toward voter registration drives or what the proposal vaguely defines as "related activities."

The OMB is headed by Russell Vought, a seasoned conservative policy architect who has long criticized the use of taxpayer dollars for voter registration efforts. Vought has previously leveraged his position to freeze, redirect, or outright cancel vast streams of congressionally approved federal funding, pushing the boundaries of executive authority.

For Miller, who has spent six years working for her nonprofit, the regulatory assault is unprecedented. "Shutting that down and making it more difficult for these Americans to access the ballot box is bewildering to me," she said.

The policy shift is not an isolated bureaucratic tweak. It forms a cornerstone of a broader, concerted push by the Trump administration to roll back federal initiatives designed to expand voter access, particularly among marginalized demographics that have historically faced systemic discrimination and disenfranchisement.


Chronology: A Systematic Rollback of Federal Voting Initiatives

To understand the current threat to nonpartisan voter registration, it is necessary to examine the sequence of executive and legislative actions that have steadily dismantled federal voting access programs over recent years:

  • January 20, 2025 (Day One of Term Two): President Donald Trump signs an executive order rescinding a directive issued by former President Joe Biden. Biden’s original 2021 order had directed federal agencies to proactively expand voter registration opportunities, explicitly acknowledging the historic barriers faced by Black citizens and people with disabilities.
  • August 2025: The Department of Education issues a "dear colleague" letter to colleges and universities, declaring that federal work-study funds can no longer support student employment involving voter registration or civic outreach on campus and in neighboring communities.
  • Late 2025: The Trump administration implements a ban stopping nongovernmental organizations from conducting voter registration drives at naturalization ceremonies. (This ban was later temporarily paused amid ensuing federal litigation).
  • Spring 2026: President Trump champions the SAVE America Act, legislation designed to mandate proof-of-citizenship documentation for voter registration, potentially requiring in-person delivery that would effectively suffocate independent registration drives nationwide.
  • May 29, 2026: The OMB officially publishes its draft regulation in the Federal Register, outlining plans to block federal financial assistance from being used for voter registration activities.
  • Fall 2026: Nonprofits, legal scholars, and advocacy groups file public comments in fierce opposition to the OMB proposal ahead of its finalization, setting the stage for inevitable post-midterm legal battles.

Supporting Data: The Persistent Disparity in Disability Voting

The effort to expand voting access to Americans with disabilities is rooted in statutory history. In 2002, in the wake of the chaotic and contested Florida recount of the 2000 presidential election, Congress passed the Help America Vote Act (HAVA), which was signed into law by President George W. Bush. HAVA created specific grants designed to upgrade state voting systems, ensure physical accessibility at polling places, and assist individuals with disabilities in registering and casting ballots.

“A Massive Power Grab”: White House Proposal Threatens Funding That Helps Disabled Americans Vote

Today, Congress allocates approximately $10 million annually through HAVA grants. These funds are distributed among 57 designated protection and advocacy systems that collectively cover every U.S. state, Washington, D.C., Puerto Rico, Native American communities, and overseas territories.

This sustained funding has yielded measurable progress, gradually narrowing the participation gap between voters with and without disabilities. Yet, a significant disparity remains. According to an April 2024 report by Rutgers University’s Program for Disability Research—compiled for the bipartisan Election Assistance Commission—roughly 3.6% of registered voters with disabilities reported encountering difficulties during the 2024 election cycle, compared to just 1.4% of registered voters without disabilities.

While the percentage gap may appear modest, Douglas Kruse, a Rutgers professor who co-authored the study, notes that it represents the lived experiences of approximately 740,000 registered voters with disabilities. For these individuals, structural hurdles, physical isolation, and a lack of direct registration assistance remain formidable barriers to the ballot box.


Official Responses and Legal Perspectives

Neither Russell Vought nor the OMB responded to multiple media inquiries regarding the proposed spending rule change. However, Vought’s philosophical opposition to federal voter outreach is well-documented. In a 2002 letter to state officials, he blasted Biden’s executive order on voter access as a partisan "power grab" intended to "increase voter registration and turnout, especially among Democratic Party supporters."

Legal scholars and former administration officials argue that the OMB proposal fundamentally misinterprets the separation of powers outlined in the U.S. Constitution.

Samuel Bagenstos, who served as OMB general counsel during the Biden administration and now teaches law at the University of Michigan, emphasized that the U.S. Constitution grants the legislative branch the exclusive "power of the purse." Under this framework, Congress dictates federal budgets and instructs agencies on fund distribution, leaving administrative bodies to implement policy rather than rewrite legislative intent.

"This is not even a surgical power grab," Bagenstos said. "It’s just a massive across-the-board power grab."

Other legal experts, including Stanford law professor and disability rights scholar Rabia Belt, point out the devastating collateral damage of such bureaucratic overreach. "I don’t really think this rule had in mind that we are going to disenfranchise voters with disabilities," Belt noted. "But it’s going to have that kind of effect."


Implications: Confusion, Compliance Burdens, and Future Uncertainty

If finalized, the OMB’s proposed rule—scheduled to take effect after the midterms—carries profound implications for the American nonprofit sector and the 2028 presidential election cycle.

Organizations that receive federal funding to help citizens navigate complex government programs such as Medicaid or food stamps are legally mandated under the National Voter Registration Act to provide registration forms and assistance. If the OMB rule is implemented, these organizations will find themselves trapped between conflicting federal mandates: required by one federal law to facilitate voter registration, yet barred by another from using the grant money that supports their operations.

“A Massive Power Grab”: White House Proposal Threatens Funding That Helps Disabled Americans Vote

Thousands of other nonprofits that receive federal grants for community services but rely on private donations for voter outreach now face immense administrative confusion. Fearing severe financial penalties or lengthy audits, many organizations may simply choose to suspend or entirely abandon their voter registration drives to avoid compliance risks. Similarly, colleges and universities that utilize institutional resources to help students register while away from home could find themselves legally paralyzed.

For groups like Disability Rights Nebraska, the stakes are existential. The organization received $141,000 in voter accessibility funds this year, deploying every dollar toward nonpartisan civic engagement. In a formal public comment submitted to federal regulators, the nonprofit stressed that its work is strictly nonpartisan, citing data from a June visit to a rural assisted living facility where 30% of newly registered voters identified as Republican, 20% as Democrat, and 50% as nonpartisan or affiliated with third parties.

To maintain strict compliance with state and federal neutrality laws, Miller and her colleagues always conduct their registration drives in bipartisan pairs. Yet, despite these safeguards, the bureaucratic headwinds continue to gather strength.

Miller recalls visiting a remote rural assisted living facility where the local community lacked basic amenities like a library or gas station, and the nearest election commissioner’s office was a grueling 30-minute drive away. During the visit, a young resident wearing a baggy T-shirt pointed inquiringly at an informational poster detailing voting rights for people with disabilities.

"Is this true?" he asked Miller.

"Yes," she replied.

"So I could register?"

"You can," Miller told him gently. "Do you want to register?"

The young man enthusiastically accepted. He had lived in the facility for years, yet it was the first time anyone had ever offered to walk him step-by-step through the process of reclaiming his democratic voice.

Reflecting on the encounter, Miller expressed a quiet wish that the architects of these restrictive federal policies could witness the human reality behind their administrative decisions. "If I could just bring a politician with me to stand in the front hall of a nursing home," she said, "and see how people react when they realize they can vote again… I wish they could see that and realize how important the work is."